Map source: Human Rights Watch

Population of women: 76,244,100/141,780,000  (2008)
Life expectancy of women (at birth):  73 yrs (2005-2010)
School life expectancy for women:  14 (2006)
Adult illiteracy for women: 0.6%
Unemployment of women: 8% (2004)
Adult economic activity rate: 55% for women (2006)
U.N. Statistics Division, Social Indicators, updated July 2008.

Last updated January 2009

The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 led to political, economic, and social challenges for most Russians that continue to present day.  As a result, they have faced high unemployment rates, wage cuts and delays, and unsafe working conditions. Women have been disproportionately impacted by the unstable conditions and experience high rates of unemployment and poverty.  In addition, women in the Caucasus have suffered due to prolonged and spreading conflict in the region.  Domestic violence, sexual assault, sexual harassment and human trafficking persist as serious problems in contemporary Russia.  Women in rural areas and of non-Russian ethnic backgrounds can face additional obstacles.

Gender Equality

The Russian Federation is a party to numerous international and regional human rights treaties that that mandate that protection, respect and fulfillment of the human rights of those under its jurisdiction. Specifically, the Russian Federation has ratified The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and its Optional Protocol, which oblige the government to take affirmative steps to address not only gender-based discrimination, but also violence against women. Notably, Article 15(4) of the Russian Constitution provides the following: “if an international treaty of the Russian Federation stipulates other rules than those stipulated by the law, the rules of the international treaty apply.”

There are several Russian national laws that guarantee gender equality. However, in its fifth periodic report to the CEDAW Committee, the Russian Federation acknowledged that its legislation “still does not define in sufficient detail the legal procedures for the protection of women against discrimination.”  For example, Article 19 of the Russian Constitution guarantees equality between women and men.  In the few court cases addressing discrimination, Russian courts, however, have held the Constitution embodies a “general principle of law that does not create a cause of action under which individuals can protect their right to be free from discrimination.”  From ABA-CEELI, CEDAW Assessment Tool Report for the Russian Federation, 2006.  

Moreover, the Russian Federation lacks a specialized government body with the authority and resources to function as the gender equality machinery across all government agencies and, therefore, to ensure the Russian government’s compliance with its international obligations. From Yakin Erturk, Integration of the Human Rights of Women and a Gender Perspective: Violence against Women, E/CN.4/2006/61/Add., 2 January 2006, available at http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/chr/sessions/62/listdocs.htm (scroll to “Item 12,” select “Mission to Russian Federation). The CEDAW Committee identified this as an urgent need to ensure the protection of women’s rights. CEDAW 26^th Session, 2002 (scroll to “Report” and select “Report of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, 26^th Session”).

There are several institutions established to address women’s human rights in Russia, such as the Committee on Women, Family and Youth of the State Duma (Parliament) and the recently established Interagency Commission on Equality between Men and Women.  From Open Society Institute, Violence Against Women: Does the Government in Russia Care?, 2007.  These organs typically do not coordinate their activities and do not focus on violence against women.  They also lack adequate funding for their work.

Violence against Women

Despite evidence of widespread violence against women, Russia has not engaged in systematic legal reform on violence against women.  According to UN Special Rapporteur of theCommission on Human Rights on violence against women, its causes and consequences, Yakin Erturk, “Violence against women in the Federation poses a major challenge to the Government in terms of its human rights obligations and sustained security.”  From Yakin Erturk, Integration of the Human Rights of Women and a Gender Perspective: Violence against Women, E/CN.4/2006/61/Add., 2 January 2006, available at http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/chr/sessions/62/listdocs.htm (scroll to “Item 12,” select “Mission to Russian Federation).  A multi-agency commission on domestic violence, sexual violence and trafficking lodged in the Ministry of Internal Affairs ceased to exist in 2005.  From Open Society Institute, Violence Against Women: Does the Government in Russia Care?, 2007.

Russia has no specific action plan for combating violence against women.  In 2001, the former Ministry of Labor and Social Development developed a National Action Plan for Gender Equality. From Open Society Institute, Violence Against Women: Does the Government in Russia Care?, 2007. ABA-CEELI, however, reports this plan was never officially adopted by the government.  In May 2005, the newly formed Ministry of Health and Social Development established the Coordinating Council on Gender Issues, which is charged with analyzing gender equality in Russia. From ABA-CEELI, CEDAW Assessment Tool Report for the Russian Federation, 2006.

According to Tatiana Melnikova, Chief Consultant, Department for Social Policy, Family and Women, Ministry for Health Care and Social Development of the Russian Federation, the federal budget of the Russian Federation lacks specific budget items for initiatives to combat violence against women, including law enforcement.  From Open Society Institute, Violence Against Women: Does the Government in Russia Care?, 2007.  Open Society Institute also reports that in some instances local governments fund the work of non-governmental organizations (NGOs), such as crisis centers, but that funding is project-specific.  The lack of dedicated, sustained government funding requires Russian NGOs combating violence against women to secure funding from foreign governments, international organizations and private foundations, sources which have been compromised by increasingly restrictive federal laws regulating the activities of NGOs and foreign funding to NGOs, according to Human Rights Watch and Bellona.

Open Society Institute reports that the Russian Federation lacks indicators and mechanisms for collecting systematic data on violence against women.  It is also difficult to extrapolate the extent of this problem from existing data because it is often gender-neutral.  Some steps were made, however, toward systematic data collection on violence against women in 2003.  The National Statistical Office adopted a Resolution on collecting data on persons referred to governmental social centers for family support, according to Open Society Institute.  They provided the centers with a special form for gathering gender-based statistics on the number of clients who were referred to the institutions after cases of sexual assault.  The form was updated and approved by the Federal Statistical Headquarters in 2005 and the Ministry of Health and Social Development was designated as the institution responsible for gathering these statistics.  These statistics are not public and are only available upon request.

Domestic Violence

Women in the Russian Federation experience domestic violence at a high rate.  In 1999, Russia reported to the CEDAW Committee that “Every year 14,000 Russian women die at the hands of their husbands or other relatives.”  Women constitute 40% of all murder victims and 51% of that number were also domestic violence victims.  From Open Society Institute, Violence Against Women: Does the Government in Russia Care?, 2007.  From 2002 to 2003, the Council for Women of Moscow State University in the Russian Federation conducted an opinion poll on violence against women with 2,200 women in cities and villages in seven Russian regions.  The research found that the vast majority of interviewees had or were experiencing domestic violence:

• Seventy percent of women said that they had been subjected to one or more forms of violence (psychological, sexual, physical, or economic) by their husband.

• Thirty-six percent experienced physical and psychological violence from husbands and partners.

• Seven percent endured all forms of violence (physical, economic, sexual and psychological) simultaneously from husbands and partners.

From Open Society Institute, Violence Against Women: Does the Government in Russia Care?, 2007.

Existing Russian laws and procedures fail to protect victims of domestic violence and do not incorporate even the most basic measures recommended by the CEDAW Committee — such as the creation of “specific legislation and effective enforcement procedures be adopted to combat and eliminate discrimination and respond to violence against women;” training for law enforcement, judges, lawyers, healthcare professionals and social workers; access to legal assistance for domestic violence victims; and a “vigorous awareness-raising campaign.”  CEDAW 26^th Session, 2002 (scroll to “Report” and select “Report of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, 26^th Session”).

The Russian Federation lacks a law specifically prohibiting domestic violence.  From ABA-CEELI, CEDAW Assessment Tool Report for the Russian Federation, 2006.  The U.N. Special Rapporteur observes that “[w]hile the State Duma has considered as many as 50 draft versions of a law on domestic violence, none has been adopted.”   From Yakin Erturk, Integration of the Human Rights of Women and a Gender Perspective: Violence against Women, E/CN.4/2006/61/Add., 2 January 2006, available at http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/chr/sessions/62/listdocs.htm (scroll to “Item 12,” select “Mission to Russian Federation).  Even the term “domestic violence” is not commonly used by law enforcement. The Ministry of Internal Affairs considers domestic violence to be a crime that occurs in the family or domestic sphere, a point of view which ABA-CEELI notes is pervasive in the criminal justice system and Russian society at-large. 

As such, incidents of domestic violence are prosecuted under Part VII of the Criminal Code generally prohibiting crimes against the person, ranging from intentional infliction of light injury (Article 115) and battery (Article 116) to torture (Article 117) and threat of murder or infliction of grave injury to health (Article 119).  See Russian Criminal Code (select “Criminal Code of the Russian Federation”) (in Russian).  Open Society Institute observes that “[n]one of the above articles take note of the relationship between the perpetrator and victim.  The law does not recognize the seriousness of domestic violence against women where the acts of violence often cause only minor damage to victim’s health but the impact of repeated abuse can have long-term psychological consequences on the victim.”  For example, ABA-CEELI reports that in some cases, domestic violence incidents are not even treated as criminal acts, but as administrative violations called “minor hooliganism” under Russian law.  In 2005, Amnesty International found no record of complaints of domestic violence by migrant women or women of particularly ethnic backgrounds, including Caucasian.

There are also procedural obstacles that further limit authorities’ involvement in cases of domestic violence. From ABA-CEELI, CEDAW Assessment Tool Report for the Russian Federation, 2006.  For instance, although police are required to conduct a basic investigation into reports of physical injury or “short-term impairment of health,” ABA-CEELI reports that those types of cases are not within the jurisdiction of the Office of the Prosecutor.  Instead, Articles 20 and 318 of the Criminal Procedure Code state that victims must prosecute these cases “privately” with their own attorney; the court may dismiss the case if the victim reconciles with the defendant.  The expense of gathering evidence and the risk involved to domestic violence victims makes this procedure ineffective and dangerous for women.  In 2005, the Constitutional Court declared the “private” prosecution procedure unconstitutional, which may result in more State involvement in such cases.  From ABA-CEELI, CEDAW Assessment Tool Report for the Russian Federation, 2006.

The law also lacks sufficient provisions for victim protection, such as provisions allowing for the removal of the perpetrator from the home.  From ABA-CEELI, CEDAW Assessment Tool Report for the Russian Federation, 2006.  Also, a Deputy Police Chief told ABA-CEELI that if an officer did not witness the violent incident, he can only ask the batterer to give a statement, but cannot make an administrative arrest.  To partially address this problem, the republics of Chuvashiya and Modoviya have amended their local administrative ordinances by adding provisions on “domestic rowdyism” to enable law enforcement to better intervene in such situations.  From ABA-CEELI, CEDAW Assessment Tool Report for the Russian Federation, 2006.

The Family Code (in Russian) permits divorce, and either spouse can file without specifying the reasons for the divorce.  From ABA-CEELI, CEDAW Assessment Tool Report for the Russian Federation, 2006.  However, the Family Code contains no provisions specifically addressing courts’ responses in child custody or visitation determinations where one parent is abusive.  From ABA-CEELI, CEDAW Assessment Tool Report for the Russian Federation, 2006.  As discussed below, the law does prohibit rape and sexual assault, regardless of the relationship between the victim and perpetrator. If sexual violence is reported, victims are required by law to obtain specific documentation of injuries from a forensic-medical expert before the case can proceed.  Articles 195, 196, Criminal Procedure Code.

Rape

According to the 2007 U.S. Department of State Report on Human Rights Practices in Russia, 6,619 rapes and rape attempts were reported between January and November 2007, which was a 19% decrease from the previous year.  ABA-CEELI and the Moscow-Helsinki Group explain that many women and girls do not report rape or other violence because of the social stigma and lack of government support. 

Article 131 Criminal Code of Russia criminalizes rape, with higher sentences for cases involving a juvenile victim, multiple rapists or the victim’s death.  However, the law’s implementation is hampered by procedural hurdles that often dissuade victims from reporting or investigating the rape, as demonstrated by the fact that only 3% of reported cases reach court.  For example, Russian police departments lack sex crimes units with expertise to investigate rape cases.  Women’s advocates reported to the World Organization against Torture that due to gaps in the law and procedural hurdles, medical examiners generally only examine rape victims in response to specific inquiries from the judge assigned to the case.  In most cases, an exam will occur far too late to gather any evidence of the rape.

The lack of adequate protection and legal assistance for rape victims also impedes holding rapists accountable. From Moscow-Helsinki Group, Discrimination against Women in Contemporary Russia, 2003. In Russia, the “existing State-sponsored institutions are largely centered on helping families and children, not violence against women. Even those which offer “crisis” services are illequipped to provide the specialized psychological therapy and legal support needed for a victim’s rehabilitation and cooperation in prosecution efforts.” From: ABA-CEELI, CEDAW Assessment Tool Report for the Russian Federation, 2006.

However, reports demonstrate that one of the largest obstacles to holding rapists accountable is the low level of awareness about rape and the needs of rape victims among actors in the criminal justice system.  For example, a focus group participant told the Moscow-Helsinki Group the following about the police response to her rape report:

The fact is that some of my friends and myself have also been raped. None of my friends reported to the police but I did and I regret it to this day. I have never been more humiliated, insulted, and condemned than back then. It turned out that I was to blame for what had happened to me. My mother saved me from suicide whereas the police almost encouraged me to commit it.

Some prosecutors exhibit similar attitudes.  The Institute of Advanced Studies for the Prosecutor’s Office conducted an informal survey of 31 male prosecutors, in which 81% agreed with the statement “women often voluntarily enter into sex and then falsely accuse their partner of rape.”  From: ABA-CEELI, CEDAW Assessment Tool Report for the Russian Federation, 2006.

There is also evidence of government actors committing rape.  A recent news story detailed cases where police officers raped women, some of whom were prosecuted.  In another incident, police officers raped two women who had come to report the rape of one of the women.  In 2002, the CEDAW Committee expressed concern about evidence that “members of the Russian forces have committed acts of rape or other sexual violence against women in the context of the armed conflict in Chechnya, the State party has failed to conduct the necessary investigations or hold anyone accountable in the vast majority of cases.”  CEDAW 26^th Session, 2002 (scroll to “Report” and select “Report of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, 26^th Session”).

Sexual Harassment

Sexual harassment in the workplace, military, law enforcement, and educational institutions is not widely recognized as a problem in the Russian Federation.  However, sexual harassment in Russia occurs so frequently that women report that “it is almost perceived of as the ‘norm.’” Reports detail sexual harassment “ranging from inappropriate comments, to proposals of sex and even sexual assault, but many noted that the problem itself is little understood, even by victims.” From: ABA-CEELI, CEDAW Assessment Tool Report for the Russian Federation, 2006.  

In 2001-2002, official statistics reflected 3,200 reported cases of sexual harassment against women.  These numbers only represent a fraction of actual cases because, as with domestic violence, there is no specific law and the government does not collect systematic data — making it difficult to ascertain the scale of the problem.  ABA-CEELI reports that one NGO briefly operated a hotline dedicated to calls about sexual harassment; it received 100 calls per month.  A recent survey found that 32% of female professionals surveyed had sex with their boss at least one time and an additional 7% reported having been raped.

Russian law does not specifically prohibit “sexual harassment,” which poses an obstacle to victims seeking recourse.  Crimes that would constitute sexual harassment under international norms may be prosecuted under Article 132 (Violent Sexual Actions) and Article 133 (Compulsion to Perform Sexual Actions) of the Criminal Code.  The Criminal Code also prohibits compelled acts of a sexual nature, but “it is virtually never used in connection with sexual harassment cases.” From: ABA-CEELI, CEDAW Assessment Tool Report for the Russian Federation, 2006.  

Similarly, sexual harassment is not understood as an issue of workplace safety or employment discrimination in the Russian Federation. The Labor Inspectorate does not address sexual harassment in enforcing workplace safety standards.

Women experiencing sexual harassment also face procedural obstacles when seeking redress.  As explained above with domestic violence, cases involving sexual harassment proceed under the “private prosecution” procedure.  ABA-CEELI reports that “victims themselves are often reluctant to pursue legal recourse, due to lack of awareness about their rights, the difficultly of proving a case and fear of losing their job.  In fact, many women simply leave their place of employment if sexual harassment occurs.” Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, there have only been two successful sexual harassment cases in 1993 and 1997.   

As with domestic violence, the lack of awareness and biases of law enforcement officers, prosecutors and other government actors can deter women from reporting cases and seeing them through to successful prosecution.  In 2008, a judge in St. Petersburg ruled that an employer “acted gallantly rather than criminally” in attempting to coerce the female employee into having sex.  In dismissing the case, the judge noted that "If we had no sexual harassment we would have no children.” (in Russian)

There are few specialized services to assist victims of sexual harassment.  ABA-CEELI reports that “NGOs which operate telephone hotlines and offer crisis services report that women call to talk about this issue, but often don’t recognize the problem as sexual harassment per se.”

Trafficking in Persons

Russia is a source, transit and destination point for trafficked persons.  Individuals are trafficked for various exploitative purposes, including commercial sexual exploitation, forced labor, illegal adoption and street begging.  Accurate statistics are difficult to obtain due to the clandestine nature of the crime.  Additionally, the Russian government does not gather statistics on human trafficking.  In 2004, researchers estimated that approximately 35,000 to 57,750 women from the Russian Federation were trafficked to countries outside of Central and Eastern Europe. These estimates, however, do not include the large number of women trafficked within this region, into Russia or within Russia’s borders.  For example, experts estimate that in Moscow alone approximately 80,000 – 130,000 individuals are involved in prostitution, a group which includes trafficked women and children.

Russia is a state party to numerous international and regional treaties that oblige the government to take concrete measures to combat and prevent human trafficking, including the U.N. Optional Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children. The government has not implemented the comprehensive legal and policy changes necessary to fulfill its obligations, as evidenced Russia’s placement on the U.S. Department of State’s Tier 2 Watchlist for five consecutive years because of the ”failure to show evidence of increasing efforts to combat trafficking over the previous year, particularly in providing assistance to victims of trafficking.” (scroll to “Russian Federation”).

The Russian Federation has engaged in some regional cooperation against human trafficking.  In November 2006, the Council of the Presidents of Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) devised the Programme of Cooperation of CIS member-states to combat human trafficking in 2007-2010, which seeks to coordinate the organizational, operational and preventative activities of CIS member-states.  Russian authorities also cooperate with other governments on international investigations, particularly on cases of child trafficking and pornography.   

The Russian Federation has established few internal agencies specializing in combating and preventing human trafficking. ABA-CEELI reports that the Russian Federation has not yet adopted a National Action Plan on human trafficking. (Ukraine adopted its third National Action Plan on human trafficking in 2008).  Lodged in the State Duma Committee on Civil, Criminal, and Procedural Law, the Inter-Agency Work Group on Issues of the Prevention and Suppression of Human Trafficking is comprised of representatives of various ministries, international organizations and experts.  This group “meets regularly to gather information about the problem of human trafficking, monitor implementation of current legislation improve coordination between the government and NGOs and foster awareness of the issue.”  In 2004 and 2006, this work group hosted the All-Russian Anti-Trafficking Assembly of NGOs.  See Transcript of Conference, Second Annual All-Russian Assembly of Non-Governmental Organizations, 2006 (in Russian).  In April 2007, a specialized anti-trafficking division was established in the Federal Department on Countering Organized Crime and Terrorism in Ministry of Internal Affairs. 

In December 2003, the Criminal Code was amended to prohibit human trafficking and the use of slave labor.  Article 127.1 prohibits the purchase and sale or recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of any person for an exploitative purpose. This law applies both to transnational and internal trafficking.  Punishment ranges from five to fifteen years imprisonment, with higher sentences in cases involving aggravated circumstances or criminal organizations.  Additional provisions of the Criminal Code could be used in cases of commercial sexual exploitation, including enticement or maintenance in prostitution (Article 240), organization of prostitution (Article 241), and manufacture and distribution of materials or objects with pornographic images of minors (Article 242.1).  

The trafficking law has not yet proved effective at holding traffickers accountable, although this is difficult to assess because the government does not collect data on prosecutions, convictions and sentences.  One report found that complexities and ambiguities in the law have resulted in many offenses being charged and/or prosecuted under other provisions of the Criminal Code.  Some police report that the anti-trafficking law is not used often because the federal government has not issued directives on its implementation. 

According to the U.S. Department of State, in 2007 Russian police conducted 139 trafficking investigations, comprised of 104 of sexual exploitation cases and 35 forced labor cases. This marks a 10% increase over the 125 investigations conducted in 2006 and “continues the annual trend of increased prosecutions since the statute was passed in 2003.”  Based on analyzing media reports of known trafficking cases, the U.S. Department of State reports that Russian authorities prosecuted at least 36 cases involving 103 traffickers in 2007.  Moreover, prosecutors successfully convicted at least 46 traffickers in 2007, and at least 45 traffickers faced imprisonment.  Four civilian government officials were implicated in human trafficking crimes; one official was sentenced to four and a half years in prison and the other three cases were pending.

Russia lacks adequate victim protection and assistance measures, according to ABA-CEELI.  In 2005, the Federal Law on Government Protection of Victims, Witnesses, and Other Participants in Criminal Proceedings was adopted.  The U.S. Department of State reported, however, that this program only helped two trafficking victims in 2007.  Since 2003, the State Duma has been considering much-needed legislation on comprehensive trafficking victim assistance, but it has yet to pass.  As a result, potential witnesses are often unwilling to cooperate in trafficking investigations.  Russian NGOs also report legal prohibitions that limit their ability to assist victims who are not Russian nationals or registered residents of a municipality.

The Russian government has also not implemented a comprehensive program to prevent human trafficking.  According to the U.S. Department of State, the government gave only three grants to anti-trafficking NGOs in 2007.  As previously discussed, this requires most NGOs to depend on international sources of funding.  U.S. Department of State reports that “[o]ther preventative measures were enacted in 2007, such as a migration law that requires direct registration with the state; a writing competition about trafficking with a cash prize; and the distribution of 30,000 pamphlets and posters explaining the dangers of trafficking and providing advice and information.”    

Due to the government’s delayed and uneven responses, NGOs and quasi-governmental organizations have taken the lead in responding to this problem. For example, in partnership with European experts, the Moscow office of the International Organisation of Migration (IOM) is implementing a program called Prevention of Human Trafficking, which will adopt “features of counter-trafficking legislation in the European Union to bridge gaps in Russian law.”  In 2009, the Angel Coalition is introducing “profiling cards” to aid law enforcement officers throughout Russia in identifying trafficking victims.  From Angel Coalition (select “News,” select “Our Plans”).  The NGO Vladivostock Center for Research on Organized Crime fostered the creation of a work group including members of local and regional government, which resulted in an international conference on trafficking in the Asia-Pacific Region, as well as a memorandum of understanding with the Department of the Interior of the Primorskii Krai. (in Russian).

Women’s NGOs and Services for Victims of Violence

Russian NGOs addressing violence against women consist primarily of organizations providing direct services to victims, according to ABA-CEELI.  These services typically include hotlines, counseling, legal assistance and support groups for women suffering from violence.  These NGOs are also responsible for most of the public awareness initiatives on violence against women.  For example, the ANNA National Center for the Prevention of Violence is made up of 160 NGOs and governmental agencies that address violence against women. Most of them have volunteer-based hotlines with trained counselors.

As noted previously, Russian NGOs are largely dependent on funding from international foundations and other governments to support their work.  Only a small amount of state support is available through short-term small grants, and usually only at the municipal level.  Open Society reports that in 2005 18 NGOs dealing with violence against women closed due to lack of funding. In late 2007, financial crisis forced the Angel Coalition to close its regional shelters for trafficking victims.  The St. Petersburg Crisis Centre for Women also closed its shelter in December 2007.

There is a dramatic lack of shelter space in Russia.  Natalya Khodyreva from the St. Petersburg Crisis Centre for Women (in Russian) reports that in 1993-94 the Russian government “created a network of institutes devoted to ‘social services for families and children.”  She notes, however, that these centers focus primarily on the well-being of children or families as a whole, not women experiencing violence.  There are only 23 state-run “women’s crisis centers” throughout Russia, out of a total of 3,371 institutions. As of 2008, there were only eight state-run shelters dedicated to assisting domestic violence and trafficking victims, which equals “one place in a shelter for every nine million inhabitants of Russia.”  Additionally, Open Society Institute reports that there are no specialized services available for immigrant women in Russia.

According to Open Society Institute, school children receive no education about gender stereotypes, equality, discrimination or violence against women.  Similarly, universities and vocational schools offer no specialized education about violence against women for future professionals.  In 2003, the Ministry of Education and Science adopted Resolution No. 480-15 (in Russian) on the Incorporation of Gender Studies into University Education, which has made gender studies a mandatory subject for students of social work.